PLOTTERS AND PATRIOTS OR COMRADES-IN-ARMS ?
The left-wing within the Congress, the young brigade who combined early on, only to drift apart later, leading to Netaji's eventual exit from Congress Presidency and membership of the party, and his eventual exit from India to seek foreign help for independence. Between the two they dominated proceedings so much that there came a time when Gandhi had to give in to this young duo to keep the left-wingers in check. Thus was Bose made President of Congress in 1938 only to find himself at odds with the Mahatma the following year whereupon history took a new turn that altered India's fate for good.
Much has been said about the camaraderie that Nehru had with Bose and that everything was fair and sweet between them except for a fair bit of ideological difference. That Netaji named a brigade of the Indian National Army after Nehru also adds fillip to this speculation that all was well after all. Scholars have taken radically different views on this matter, though. While one party claims that there was mutual respect and goodwill between these two gigantic leaders both of whom were, after all, working for India's freedom, there is the other party that contends that Nehru did everything that could be done to undermine Bose's position in the party and was along with the others instrumental in forcing Bose's resignation from Congress Presidency and his expulsion from the party itself. However, it seems that while Netaji did adopt a forgiving attitude towards Nehru for all his active and passive complicity with the Gandhi brigade to bring about his marginalisation in Indian politics, Nehru did not soften towards Netaji in any way despite his pretensions to it. For after independence he saw to Netaji's virtual obliteration from the national landscape and the public mind in consequence that would not merit his being either fair or friendly to the liberator of India.
The treatment the INA officers, soldiers and personnel received at the hands of Nehru post independence is a clear indicator as to what Nehru's attitude was towards his erstwhile colleague Bose and this cannot be brushed under the carpet. The way Nehru saw to it that Netaji's legacy did not find a place in the Indian polity beyond a cursory verbal mention at times, a policy of marginalisation which he ably passed on to his daughter to good effect, does not paint him as a good friend of Bose by any stretch of imagination, a fact that Nehruvians who now try to absolve Nehru of any such taint ought to well remember.
One wonders what would have been the political relation between the two leaders had Netaji been there after independence to take his due place at the helm of affairs alongside Nehru and Patel. It is significant to mention here that Netaji did name his brigades after Gandhi, Nehru and Azad [Abul Kalam] but not after Patel. Could it have been that Patel was viewed then as relatively more pro-Hindu and not entirely secular as Nehru and, so, was left out? Or was there some other reason behind his omission?
Comrades-in-arms, true. Arms of embrace or arms in conflict? I leave it to you to decide as I quit the stage.
Adieu !
Written by Sugata Bose
The left-wing within the Congress, the young brigade who combined early on, only to drift apart later, leading to Netaji's eventual exit from Congress Presidency and membership of the party, and his eventual exit from India to seek foreign help for independence. Between the two they dominated proceedings so much that there came a time when Gandhi had to give in to this young duo to keep the left-wingers in check. Thus was Bose made President of Congress in 1938 only to find himself at odds with the Mahatma the following year whereupon history took a new turn that altered India's fate for good.
Much has been said about the camaraderie that Nehru had with Bose and that everything was fair and sweet between them except for a fair bit of ideological difference. That Netaji named a brigade of the Indian National Army after Nehru also adds fillip to this speculation that all was well after all. Scholars have taken radically different views on this matter, though. While one party claims that there was mutual respect and goodwill between these two gigantic leaders both of whom were, after all, working for India's freedom, there is the other party that contends that Nehru did everything that could be done to undermine Bose's position in the party and was along with the others instrumental in forcing Bose's resignation from Congress Presidency and his expulsion from the party itself. However, it seems that while Netaji did adopt a forgiving attitude towards Nehru for all his active and passive complicity with the Gandhi brigade to bring about his marginalisation in Indian politics, Nehru did not soften towards Netaji in any way despite his pretensions to it. For after independence he saw to Netaji's virtual obliteration from the national landscape and the public mind in consequence that would not merit his being either fair or friendly to the liberator of India.
The treatment the INA officers, soldiers and personnel received at the hands of Nehru post independence is a clear indicator as to what Nehru's attitude was towards his erstwhile colleague Bose and this cannot be brushed under the carpet. The way Nehru saw to it that Netaji's legacy did not find a place in the Indian polity beyond a cursory verbal mention at times, a policy of marginalisation which he ably passed on to his daughter to good effect, does not paint him as a good friend of Bose by any stretch of imagination, a fact that Nehruvians who now try to absolve Nehru of any such taint ought to well remember.
One wonders what would have been the political relation between the two leaders had Netaji been there after independence to take his due place at the helm of affairs alongside Nehru and Patel. It is significant to mention here that Netaji did name his brigades after Gandhi, Nehru and Azad [Abul Kalam] but not after Patel. Could it have been that Patel was viewed then as relatively more pro-Hindu and not entirely secular as Nehru and, so, was left out? Or was there some other reason behind his omission?
Comrades-in-arms, true. Arms of embrace or arms in conflict? I leave it to you to decide as I quit the stage.
Adieu !
Written by Sugata Bose
Sugata Bose
That is because this was 1938 when Bose was elected Congress President for the first time after Nehru had served in that office already for four years, first in 1929 and 1930, and then in 1936 and 1937. So, appearances could be deceptive that way and judgement would require justification by factual reasoning as well. However, if you are making a subjective observation based purely on facial appearance, skin glow, look of the eye and other like aspects, then it is a different matter as it is a personal perspective unique to the observer even if corroborated by other observers with a similar perception.
That is because this was 1938 when Bose was elected Congress President for the first time after Nehru had served in that office already for four years, first in 1929 and 1930, and then in 1936 and 1937. So, appearances could be deceptive that way and judgement would require justification by factual reasoning as well. However, if you are making a subjective observation based purely on facial appearance, skin glow, look of the eye and other like aspects, then it is a different matter as it is a personal perspective unique to the observer even if corroborated by other observers with a similar perception.
No comments:
Post a Comment